As Japanese Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi She heads to the G7 summit in France next week, where she is anticipated to encounter expressions of dissatisfaction regarding Tokyo's growing diplomatic engagement with Moscow.
As European Union countries and nearly all NATO members stand together in their determination to counter Russia's continued actions toward Ukraine and isolate Moscow, Japan's distinct stance towards Vladimir Putin's government has not gone unnoticed.
Senior officials from Japan The foreign affairs and commerce ministers visited Moscow for a two-day trip in May and met with their Russian equivalents, accompanied by officials from the Japan Business Federation. Five of Japan's top industrial groups were also invited but did not participate in the delegation.
Minister for Foreign Affairs Toshimitsu Motegi rejected concerns regarding Japan's engagement with Moscow, emphasizing the significance of keeping communication open during periods of tension.
European governments would have also observed that Muneo Suzuki, a legislator from Japan's governing Liberal Democratic Party based in Hokkaido, has been working to organize a meeting between the foreign ministers of Japan and Russia this July and recently traveled to Moscow for talks.
On Thursday, local news outlets stated that Japan was nearing a deal with the United States to prolong an exception enabling Tokyo to keep purchasing crude oil and liquefied natural gas from Russia’s Sakhalin 2 initiative. As tensions resurge in the Middle East, Japan is eager to maintain its import of Russian energy resources.
And Mikhail Shvydkoy, who serves as Putin's special envoy for global cultural collaboration, visited Tokyo in May, according to James Brown, a professor of international relations specializing in Russian matters at Temple University's Tokyo branch.
According to official reports, Shvydkoy was in Japan for the launch of the Russian cultural festival, an event that has sparked controversy," Brown said during This Week in Asia. "While Japan claims that culture should remain open and exchanged, Moscow clearly utilizes such forms of soft power to gain influence among the Japanese population.
In addition to participating in cultural activities, Shvydkoy engaged with Suzuki and Japanese government representatives to talk about energy initiatives, as reported by Brown.
All signs indicate that Japan is starting to consider limited collaboration with Russia once more, particularly in the energy sector due to developments in Iran, which may explain why other G7 countries feel uneasy about this situation.
Brown quickly highlights that Japan still maintains numerous restrictions against Russia, and there is no evidence suggesting Takaichi aims to restore the strong ties that previous Prime Minister Shinzo Abe established with Putin, mainly to persuade Russia to hand back an island group near northern Hokkaido that Soviet troops took at the end of World War II.
Japan continues to hope for this outcome, although it appears unlikely at the moment.
"In Europe, Russia is seen as a significant security risk, yet this concern is far lesser in Japan," noted Andrei Lankov, a historian and international relations professor born in Russia who teaches at Kookmin University in South Korea.
"Europe aims to keep a unified stance — though this has grown harder due to the U.S. administration's position — however, trying to diplomatically isolate Russia is typical behavior in such circumstances," he stated.
However, Japan maintains a longstanding history of interactions with Russia, suggesting that Moscow may aim to exploit Japan as a vulnerable point.
Robert Dujarric, associate director of the Institute for Advanced Study of Asia at Temple University, thinks that although Europe might worry about Tokyo's efforts to build connections, leaders will soon put this issue aside to maintain solidarity.
"Japan continues to maintain the sanctions, but yes, engaging in talks with Putin conveys an unfavorable message, and Europe is dissatisfied. However, there are more significant matters that require attention," he stated.
Although some might claim that Takaichi adopts a tough stance against China and a practical approach toward Russia due to the necessity of Siberian energy, Dujarric states that the Japanese leader exhibits varying forms of pragmatism when dealing with its two large and closely related neighbors.
Russia is far less unfriendly compared to China towards Japan, and I sense that there are business groups in Japan eager to return to Russia and start negotiations immediately," he stated. "Additionally, there are elements within Takaichi's political party who supported Abe regarding Russia and may be urging her to take action as well.
However, at this moment, I don't believe that Russia is top of her mind.
Brown agrees, noting that Takaichi has made very few comments regarding Russia since coming into office, but also mentions that this will shift once the conflict in Ukraine concludes.
He stated, 'Japan clearly views China as a danger and has had concerns for a considerable time regarding an alliance consisting of China, Russia, and North Korea.'
During Abe's tenure and under other governments, Japan tried to create division between China and Russia. This attempt did not succeed back then, but once the conflict in Ukraine concludes, I anticipate the concept of such a divide will resurface.
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